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him to be for it and I wanted him to give me his informal assent. He read it and said, “This sounds very fair. This is good. I'm glad you could get that in. That's fine. I'm glad the President is willing to accept this provision.” Of course, the President hadn't heard about any of this as yet. The detail of it hadn't been discussed with him. But I, of course, indicated that it had, because I felt I was acting for the President.

Then Green, instead of saying in a rugged, quick way, as I had hoped he would, “That's all right,” he said, “I'd like your permission to take this one little paragraph and I'd like to confer with some of my people about it. we'll talk again tomorrow.” Of course, I let him do it under a pledge of strict confidence.

He came back the next day with Matthew Woll, who was a kind of brain trust to Green always. He was a much shrewder man than Green, a much quicker thinker. Woll was not as good and wholehearted and altogether admirable a person as Green, but altogether very shrewd and very quick. He came back with this comment, “This might be all right in places where they already had an organization, but you ought to provide for their right to organize.” They argued this point, and I thought that was all right. So we reworded it in the form that it came out later with very few