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don't think much of that. I don't think we should do that. I think it's a bad idea.”

Frankly, I will say now, since this is a memoir to be opened after I'm dead, I did all I could to slow the idea down and to perhaps to persuade, without opposing, Wagner out of it. I even talked to certain labor men about it, although that was later, because at the beginning there was no great enthusiasm for it among labor men. That was afterwards.

At any rate, this was the point on which the great misunderstanding between us all arose. Wagner had talked to Johnson about this proposed bill. Johnson had spoken him fair on it, and had paid no attention to it apparently. At least Wagner said to me later, “I don't believe he ever listened to what I said.”

At any rate, Wagner was very restless about it all. I had talked to Johnson. I had talked to Richberg. Richberg and Wagner had talked. We all agreed that we must come to an agreement on it. We would either all agree to do nothing, or we would agree to go forward with such a bill. Johnson had said that he would stand for it if it was in the NRA, if the board was established - a board similar to the one required by the present (1953) National Labor Relations Act - by law, given teeth and certain procedures laid out,