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addition. It certainly didn't appear to me to be of any significance. I said that I thought it was all right, but I would discuss it with the others. I discussed it with Richberg and he didn't see much difference either. Johnson didn't see any difference. It was all the same to him. Everybody agreed that the workers had the right to organize anyhow, and it wasn't necessary to write it into a law. Anybody had a right to organize anything they wanted to organize in this country. That was kind of a basic old-fashioned principle. So it really didn't seem very important, or very drastic.

All this had not been planned or even thought of. It was no part of the political content of anybody's mind - Roosevelt's mind, or any of the people who were working on this. That I can assure you. I know that's the case. It was almost an accident. If I hadn't consulted Green, there would only have been my idea that we ought to mention the workers in the course of this draft of recovery legislation. I was sensitive about a recovery program that didn't pay any attention at all to the workers themselves, that didn't mention them as having any part in this matter. So I had suggested the inclusion of this clause that would indicate that the employers would deal with representatives of their workers - that meant their own workers primarily.